The governor has noted a Covid “yellow zone” in Upper Manhattan including zip codes 10031, 10032, and 10033.
* No gatherings indoors/outdoors over 25
* Dining indoors/outdoors no more than 4 per table
* Houses of worship at 50% capacity
A Historical Perspective on Redlining
The Where We Live NYC report has a fantastic explanation on the history and impact of redlining:
One of the most pernicious tools in promoting segregation was the construction of explicitly segregated housing developments, many of which were owned or financed by the city, state, or federal government. This practice began in 1928, when the Thomas Garden Apartments opened near the Grand Concourse in the Bronx for White families and the Paul Lawrence Dunbar Apartments opened in Harlem for Black families. It continued through the 1930s, when New York City experienced several waves of immigration in the 20th century, originally from Europe and eventually the rest of the world. The arrival of large numbers of Italians and Eastern European Jews in the early 20th century led Congress to pass discriminatory laws to limit the growth of those populations and others. Immigration patterns changed dramatically after World War II, however, with the arrival of over 600,000 Puerto Ricans in the 1940s and 1950s. By 1970, Puerto Ricans accounted for over 10 percent of the city’s total population. The passing of the Hart-Celler Act in 1965, which abolished the use of immigration quotas based on national origin, created more opportunities for immigrants from all over the world, including the Caribbean and Latin America, East and South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. These cycles of immigration have contributed to the formation of the city’s many ethnic enclaves, which formed as networks of support and community and as a form of protection against the discrimination and violence many immigrants experienced upon their arrival to New York City. The New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) opened the Harlem River Houses for black households and the Williamsburg Houses for White households in 1937 and 1938, respectively.
The most significant examples were two enormous government-supported housing developments built by the Metropolitan Life Company exclusively for White families: Parkchester in the central Bronx, which included 12,273 apartments for 42,000 people, and Stuyvesant Town in Manhattan, which included 8,775 apartments for 27,000 people.
Even though protesters denounced the City for providing land and tax breaks to these projects and sued MetLife over its exclusionary policy, Frederick Ecker, the company’s president, stuck to his position that “Negroes and whites don’t mix.” In an attempt to appease its critics, MetLife also developed the Riverton Houses, a 1,200-unit development in Harlem that, while nominally open to all races, attracted mostly Black residents. The People’s Voice, a weekly newspaper based in Harlem, predicted that these projects were “crystallizing patterns of segregation and condemning thousands of Negroes to a secondary citizenship status for generations to come.”
At the same time, federal housing policy also explicitly subordinated people of color, most importantly through a mortgage-lending process that came to be known as “redlining.” Beginning in 1933, the federal agency responsible for refinancing mortgages—the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC)—created “Residential Security Maps,” which labeled neighborhoods as
“B (Still Desirable),”
“C (Definitely Declining),”
ostensibly to judge the riskiness of issuing mortgages in each type of neighborhood. Each neighborhood was also color-coded: “A” was green; “B” was blue; “C” was yellow; and “D” was red.
The image above shows an example of a HOLC map for Upper Manhattan. The systematic use of these maps by the federal government and local banks had substantial, disastrous, and long-lasting impacts on racial inequality. Neighborhoods where HOLC found a sizeable presence of “undesirable” residents—which in New York City included immigrants from Southern Europe, “Communistic” Jews, and others— were deemed ineligible sites for federally-insured mortgages. HOLC was particularly concerned about the presence of Black New Yorkers; any neighborhood in which Black New Yorkers were more than 5% of the population was labeled “C (Definitely Declining)” or “D (Hazardous),” and it was all-but-guaranteed that a prospective homebuyer could not receive a mortgage in such a neighbohood.
The Mortgage Conference of Greater New York even commissioned a block-by-block survey of New York City to show where “Negroes and Spanish-speaking persons resided,” though blocks that housed Black and Hispanic building superintendents were exempted. The Mortgage Conference directed its 38 members to refrain from issuing mortgages to any properties on such blocks, depriving neighborhoods with Black and Hispanic residents of access to capital and encouraging White residents to move to segregated neighborhoods or suburbs where loans were available.
Mortgages were available in suburban developments on Long Island and in Westchester because the vast majority of these developments were open only to White residents. The most famous development—Levittown, New York—opened to 17,500 veterans and their families immediately following World War II under the federal government’s condition that only White residents would live there. Levittown residents also became homeowners thanks to the G.I. Bill, which offered low-interest loans and required no down payments. Almost all people of color were excluded from this crucial, life-changing opportunity to build equity in their homes and pass down wealth to future generations. During the immediate post-war period, per capita mortgage lending in Nassau County, New York, where Levittown and many other Whites-only developments were located, was eleven times greater than lending in Brooklyn and 60 times greater than lending in the Bronx.
Segregated suburban developments, which expanded with significant support from government, also helped determine who remained in or moved to New York City. Hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers, predominantly people of color, were forcibly displaced from their homes by the construction of taxpayer-funded highways, which served the segregated suburbs. Subsidized mortgages and segregated living patterns also drew a sizeable portion of the city’s middle-class tax base to the suburbs; in the 1950s alone, the suburban region’s population increased by almost 2.2 million people, while the city’s population decreased by 109,973 people—the first decennial decline in the city’s history.
The expansion of segregated suburban developments also pushed government officials to take drastic steps to alter some of the city’s central neighborhoods through massive redevelopment projects, which often consisted of displacing people of color from their homes and building more expensive housing in their place. In turn, people of color were directed to even more segregated neighborhoods in Upper Manhattan and Central Brooklyn.
The combined influence of redlining, segregated housing developments, and rampant discrimination in the employment and education fields concentrated low-income people of color in small geographic areas and created a “new form of urban poverty.” Poor living conditions in these neighborhoods—often referred to as ghettos—also stigmatized people of color in the eyes of many White residents, who feared that their neighborhoods and schools would become unstable if integration occurred. Many New Yorkers responded to these forms of racism, economic oppression, and subjugation with grassroots organizing and legislative advocacy, and New York City became a leader in innovative, civil rights lawmaking in the 1950s.
Complain to the DOT
If you notice something on a road, sidewalk or bridge that isn’t right, you can submit a complaint to the Department of Transportation on any of these subjects:
I contacted them recently about a lack of a pedestrian ramp on the Madison Avenue Bridge, and they got back to me the next day with the promise that they’d send a crew out to investigate within 45 days.
Speedy? No. But as we always say, they can’t read our minds, so unless we complain, and tell them what’s not working or acceptable in our community, they’ll just assume all’s well. Don’t accept. Demand better. Demand action.
The debacle of voting in NYC (note how the still haven’t finished the count and don’t expect to complete it until Thanksgiving) rests partly on the shoulders of Bill Perkins’ wife – Pamela Perkins – who was given a patronage job on the NYC Board of Elections. https://www.vote.nyc/page/commissioners-management.
Perkins himself is not expected to run for City Council (given his health concerns and one of the worst attendance records of a City Council Member). An article last month in New York County Politics notes a number of Harlem Machine members who are hoping, again, to play musical chairs and take Perkins empty seat.
City Councilmember Bill Perkins (D-Central Harlem, Morningside Heights, Upper West Side, East Harlem) will not seek reelection next year. A consultant fielding multiple polls throughout the city presented New York County Politics with data offering insights over who may succeed the veteran elected.
Former Assemblymember and Manhattan Democrats Leader Keith Wright won the poll, with 24 percent of respondents favoring him. Assemblymember Inez Dickens (D-El Barrio, Hamilton Heights, Harlem, Morningside Heights, Upper West Side, Washington Heights,) was the runner-up, with 17 percent support.
Trailing the two were local activists Cordell Cleare (D) with 4 percent, and William Allen (D) with 3 percent, followed by Northern Manhattan Office Director to Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer (D) Athena Moore (D) with 2 percent. Harlem District Leader Keith Lilly (D) and writer, teaching artist, and activist Kristin Richardson Jordan (D) were tied for last place with 1 percent.
In terms of favorability, Wright and Dickens’ are similar to that of the district’s congressional representative, Congressman Adriano Espaillat (D-Harlem, Inwood, Bronx): in the 43-49 percent range. However, Dickens has an unfavorability rating of 14%, nearly three times that of Wright’s 5 percent rating.
On experience, voters overwhelmingly preferred a government veteran to a fresh-faced outsider, 54 percent to 29 percent.
Republicans v. Democrats and COVID Rates
If you recall, I posted this map soon after the election to illustrate where New Yorkers voted for Democrats, and where they voted for Republicans:
It’s interesting to compare that map with today’s NYC Department of Health 7-Day COVID rate map:
At our September HNBA meeting we asked Captain Henning if he could ask his cleaning staff to pay attention to the back of their parking lot, on Park Avenue. The trash build-up there was really unacceptable.
Captain Henning acted almost immediately, and I was happy to see (earlier this week) that the sidewalk along Park Avenue is much, much cleaner.
Thank you @NYPD25Pct
Pop-up COVID Testing
Today the Boriken Neighborhood Health Center of East Harlem will have a pop-up COVID testing site at the Boys and Girls Club on East 111th Street, between 1st and 2nd Avenue. All welcome, no appointments required.
While the director promised to update their website with testing locations,
Robert is offering a piano for free if you are willing to pick it up and take it home. It’s a Story & Clark. It needs tuning and some repairs.
Please email: pgreen5.rg at Gmail if you’re interested.
Preparing for the 2nd Wave
The data regarding the impact of COVID-19 continues to be terrifying. The CDC has documented well over 6 million COVID-19 cases, and the numbers in states like Georgia, Florida, Texas, and California continue to increase:
With the coming fall/winter season, health officials continue to remind New Yorkers to remain vigilant. Wear your masks (over your nose and mouth), socialize outside and maintain social distance.
Patch – Report on New Yorkers’ Attitudes to COVID-19
New Yorkers who fear the coronavirus pandemic could come back worse than ever aren’t alone — it’s a worry shared by 62 percent of people in the state, a new survey found.
A Siena College Research Institute survey found widespread doubt COVID-19 will stay contained in New York. A 70 percent swath of New Yorkers largely support government efforts to stop the virus’ spread even if it hurts the economy.
“Majorities of every demographic, except Republicans, think that we haven’t seen the worst of the pandemic, and majorities of every demographic want the government to concentrate on containing the virus even if the economy suffers,” said Don Levy, the institute’s director, in a statement. “Nearly 80 percent are concerned that they, or another member of their household, will get sick with COVID-19.”
The survey indicates New York’s swing from coronavirus epicenter to success story isn’t making its residents, including those in New York City, complacent.
Beyond the 62 percent who fear the worst is yet to come, 82 percent of those surveyed think it’s likely the state will face another large COVID-19 outbreak in the fall.
Large numbers of New Yorkers still adhere to public health recommendations, the survey found. For example, 73 percent always wear a protective mask outside their homes and 56 percent follow social distancing recommendations completely.
Between 56 and 64 percent of New Yorkers feel comfortable with eating outdoors at a restaurant, going to a playground or park, going to a barbershop or salon and visiting a beach.
But when asked about indoor dining — a growing hot topic in New York City, where it is still banned — 65 percent were not comfortable eating inside a restaurant, according to the survey.
Black Enterprise is excited to announce a new partnership with Chase for Business to offer Advancing Black Entrepreneurs — an education program designed to help Black business owners recover and move forward in the wake of the current global pandemic.
Joining us in this important effort are National Minority Supplier Development Council, National Urban League and the US Black Chambers, Inc.
Together, we’ve developed a series of information-packed sessions – the first of which focuses on Reclaiming the Future: How Your Business Can Rise to the Challenges of COVID-19.
This ninety-minute guided digital session, offered at no cost, will cover topics including:
The increasing importance of bookkeepingPivoting your business model in this new economic environment
Helping your customers feel confident and safe
Developing contingency plans for the future
Don’t miss this unique opportunity to get the financial guidance and expertise you need to grow your business.